By Raymond Lotta
From the preface:
" The scathing feedback and slanders opposed to the 4 are thinly veiledattacks on Mao Tsetung and Mao Tsetung idea. in truth, this wasnot a "gang of four," it used to be a "gang of 5" simply because those revolutionaries have been heavily allied with Mao and he had positioned his self assurance inthem. And, truly, it wasn't a "gang" at all-it was once the center of therevolutionary headquarters in the chinese language Communist Party.Today exhortations for order, exertions self-discipline and every thing foreconomic improvement have changed Mao's simple line of constant therevolution and his name to "grasp revolution, advertise production." TheCultural Revolution has, certainly, come to an finish as inscribed through thenew rulers of China within the Political record introduced by way of Hua Kuo-fengat the llth occasion Congress in 1977-but now not for the explanations they wouldhave us think. It has ended as the competition which Mao wasfighting to his final breath has pop out on best, having seized regulate of the social gathering, military and nation organs.How may perhaps whatever like this take place? Is it easily the results of the machinations and goals of some leaders? "
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Additional resources for And Mao Makes 5: Mao Tsetung’s Last Great Battle
Is extremely important in socialist society-at times, decisive. Many areas of the superstructure remain strongholds of the bourgeoisie. They will use their influence in certain spheres, like art and literature, to spread reactionary ideology and create public opinion favorable to them. Such influence, if not opposed head on, can undermine and sabotage the socialist economic base. This is why it is an urgent necessity for the working class to occupy and transform all aspects of the superstructure.
On the other hand, they could build up their political strength and squeeze out the Left. Teng was brought onto the Political Bureau in January of 1974. The Left, by contrast, was building a political movement among the broad masses. But by the summer of 1974 the Right was able to regain the upper hand and the Criticize Lin Piao and Confucius Campaign was snarled. The Right would blame it for production difficulties and inciting workers to turn on each other. The Left insisted on linking it with production.
The release of Mao's comments on Water Margin was a siren that a big struggle was in the wind and that there were dangerous and despicable traitors within the ranks of the revolutionaries whose defeat required the greatest vigilance. It was time to start looking for them. It would come as little surprise, then, that the current rulers of China have precious little and nothing of substance to say about this campaign. Once again, the methods of the contending headquarters and the programs around which they rallied their supporters came into sharper relief.
And Mao Makes 5: Mao Tsetung’s Last Great Battle by Raymond Lotta